Abstract
This dissertation aimed to investigate cultural values connected with the individualism-collectivism dimension in several samples of adolescents from diverse ethnic populations (minimum N = 51). We included autochtonous Dutch adolescents and allochtonous adolescents with Turkish and Moroccan background. Both Morocco and Turkey can be considered collectivistic countries, while the Netherlands
... read more
is located at the individualistic side of the dimension (Hofstede, 1980, 1995).
We focused on the psychological aspects of the individualism-collectivism dimension. Speaking in psychological terms, individualism can be seen as the expression of the need for autonomy or independence, and collectivism can be seen as the expression of the need for relatedness or interdependence (Kâgitçibasi, 1997; Markus & Kitayama, 1991). To operationalize these needs, we utilized the theoretical and empirical work of Hermans and Hermans-Jansen (1995) among other factors. These Dutch psychologists connected different emotions, such as self-esteem and love, to the human striving for autonomy and connectedness, respectively. These emotions are labeled Self (S) emotions and Other (O) emotions.
Autonomy and connectedness are both important topics for adolescents (Grotevant & Cooper, 1998). By systematically comparing adolescents from diverse ethnic populations on different aspects of autonomy and connectedness, we wanted to gain insight into the role of culture in this life period. Some leading questions were: do Dutch youngsters score higher on all forms of autonomy, such as behavioral and emotional autonomy? To whom do Turkish and Moroccan youngsters express higher levels of concern, to members of their own family or to other people as well?
We summarized the findings of the various studies in three different ways. First, we simply counted how many times allochthonous and autochthonous youngsters differed on the operationalizations of connectedness and autonomy that were used throughout this dissertation. Second, we counted ethnic differences when the instruments were arranged according to their (in)group specification. Third, we placed the instruments into a typology borrowed from Van Geel (2000) and Hermans and Hermans-Jansen (1995) and examined where ethnic differences occurred in the typology. The instruments were assigned to the typology only on conceptual and not on empirical grounds.
One third of the instruments that were used to measure autonomy showed an ethnic difference. Allochtonous youngsters experienced less personal choice in comparison to their Dutch counterparts, but reported equally high levels of personal control and Self-emotions (e.g. self-assurance, pride). Almost half of the instruments used to measure connectedness showed an ethnic difference. This difference was always in favor of the allochthonous youngsters, who reported, for example, higher levels of Other emotions (e.g. love, respect) for their mother and their favorite teacher. No clear pattern emerged when (in)group specification was taken into account. A clear pattern did emerge when the typology of Van Geel and of Hermans and Hermans-Jansen was applied. Ethnic differences were most pronounced on instruments simultaneously measuring connectedness and submissiveness, such as attitudes towards family obligations.
show less