Religious identity development of orthoprax Muslim adolescents in the Netherlands

Abstract

The central research question of this study is the following: “How do orthoprax Muslim adolescents construct and perceive their religious identity and their religious identity development?” At the start of our research project, we developed a framework based on several theories of identity development, particularly harking back to Marcia’s Identity Status Interview model (Marcia et al., 1993). We also used the narrative approach of McAdams (1997, 2005, 2008) to investigate the life story of adolescents and to gain insight into the content of religious identity development. In this research project, we chose the label “orthopraxy” and distinguished four criteria for “orthopraxy.”

Based on the developed framework, we undertook our empirical study. The results of this research paint a rich and varied picture of orthoprax Muslims in the Netherlands. Our study first provides insight into the religious identity of orthoprax Muslim adolescents when it comes to important themes in the construction of their religious identity. The study results found three important themes in the religious identity construction of highly committed young Muslim adults: acquiring knowledge, participating in and being involved with their own communities, and following the commandments of Allah. The results also show which practices and choices are important to the participants’ religious identity.

Second, we learned more about how the societal context of the Netherlands influences the construction of religious identity. Identity construction, indeed, depends on the context, situation, and reactions of others (Erikson, 1968; Mitchell, 2006). The respondents seemed aware of the negative image of Muslims in the Netherlands and set themselves apart from the “general Muslim,” claiming different practices and beliefs from them. Respondents particularly mentioned being different from the mainstream, forming part of their religious identity.

Third, processes of religious exploration appeared to be of particular importance. By describing four different elements of the exploratory process (catalysts, content, strategies, and results), we found three styles of exploration among respondents: “exploration in depth,” “conscious and deliberate choices,” and “exploration process isolated from final commitment.” We argued that the identity statuses of Marcia’s theory (1966, 1980) do not completely align with the three styles found in our group of respondents. To a certain extent, two styles of exploration mirror Marcia’s statuses approach, but one style is not covered by any of these statuses.

Fourth, we detected seven categories of sources for the religious identity development of our respondents: people with the same opinion, people with opposing opinions, Islamic organizations, events, the adolescents themselves, Muslim identity, and opinions from others in the societal context of the Netherlands. In addition, we examined how respondents in our study perceived the importance of sources to their religious identity development. We distinguished exploration-stimulating actions and commitment-stimulating actions. In addition, we categorized five successful actions of importance: people’s open mindedness, the relationship between adolescents and sources for religious identity development, having authority, sharing similarities, and controlling practices.

Fifth, we conclude that orthoprax young Muslim adults feel opposed to Dutch society and do not feel connected to it. However, most of the time, they participate in society by having jobs, studying, and making friends. We also see that respondents are particularly active in and involved with their own Islamic communities. In many cases, respondents do not link their religious identity to their participation in society. This study shows three different styles of linking religion to participation: “participating as far as Islam allows,” “religion is very personal and individual,” and “bridging the gap.”