Obviation properties of the Dutch d-pronoun

Abstract

The paper discusses a decisive difference in Dutch between the d(emonstrative)-pronoun and the p(ersonal)-pronoun. The d-pronoun is a grammatical device for focus-to-topic-shift. Van Kampen (2010) derived this from two properties of the d-pronoun, neither of them present in the p-pronoun. (i) The d-pronoun obviates as antecedent all arguments except the first preceding focus. (ii) The d-pronoun introduces the new topic of its sentence. The present paper derives three other properties of the d-pronoun. The d-pronoun allows a bound variable reading in certain complex CPs (section 2). A d-pronoun in a temporal adjunct CP can bind a quantifier in the matrix CP, but it does not do so in non-temporal adjunct CPs (section 3), nor in complement CPs (section 4). Since the d-pronoun is not only an anaphor locally bound by the first preceding focus, but also a discourse anaphor, it invites a reconsideration of the notion ‘bound anaphor’ in the Binding Theory.